![]() How each of these groups positions itself in the future depends entirely on the fate of Prigozhin: "That is totally unclear," Filatova said.īob Barry, Sandrine Blanchard, Jean-Michel Bos and Mahamadou Kane in Bamako contributed to this article "They can be rebranded or remain under the same name as they are already a brand in Africa. Historian Irina Filatova, who has researched Russia-Africa relations, pointed out that the Wagner enterprise includes a network of sub-companies. So where do the Wagner operations in Africa go from here? All indications are that the business is too lucrative and essential for Moscow to abandon it. However, the CAR government described the idea that it has lost control as "nonsense." "So, despite the aborted rebellion of the Wagner group, the situation remains deadlocked until an even bigger power interferes in the dance." "President Touadera is a hostage of Wagner, and he knows it," Poussou told DW. "We have reached a point where this undermines the ability of the Central African state to conduct its politics without pressure."ĭid Wagner take President Touadera hostage?įormer minister Adrien Poussou, author of the book "Africa Doesn't Need Putin," is more blunt. He said that the Wagner Group's interference in CAR's internal political affairs worries him. "The Central African Republic is not profiting from these developments," Beninga told DW. ![]() Paul Crescent Beninga, a Central African Republic civil society representative, said he was concerned by Wagner's growing influence. His advisors have long included a man with closer ties to Wagner chief Prigozhin. Since 2018, Wagner mercenaries have protected President Touadera. A Canadian and a South African company lost their licenses, while a Madagascan company - close to Russia - received a new concession.īut there is also influence at the personnel level. In the Central African Republic (CAR), where a comprehensive peace agreement was only reached in February 2019 under President Faustin Archange Touadera after decades of civil war, the Wagner Group's influence extend even further.Īccording to various observers, the group has a stake in many lucrative areas of the state, such as the oil sector or - as in Mali - the gold mining sector. That amounted to more than €100 million annually. That's the amount Mali's military government was reportedly paying the mercenaries each month. Eyewitnesses confirmed the base was built for Wagner troops.Īt the time, a figure was already circulating: $10 million (€9 million). In late 2021, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a US think tank, identified a new military base in Mali. ![]() ![]() Mali's €100 million annual budget for Wagner "They got a mandate from their respective state, acted independently, but the state benefited from their presence in Africa." "The relationship is very much like the pattern of European trading companies in the 19th century," Filatova told DW, drawing parallels to colonial times - whether British, German or French. ![]() Russian historian Irina Filatova described Russia's relationship with the Wagner Group in Africa as a win-win situation, with Wagner benefiting from Russia's prestige and Russian weapons. Win-win relationship for Russia and Wagner in Africa ![]()
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